Law Enfarcement

July 20th, 2008 | by | old season

Jul
20

During the third week of June, a burglar broke into my home while I was away on a business trip. The thief took a considerable amount of computer equipment, clothes, and a few irreplaceable items like part of my coin collection and the mantle clock that had belonged to my grandparents.

I do not wish to tell the story of my sense of loss, not that of the excellent service provided by Craig the Burglar Bar Guy or my new ADT armed response people. I want to tell you the story of the horrifying ineptitude of the Table View police.

It is difficult to know where to begin. Perhaps it is worth mentioning that the police have no way of dealing with a situation in which the person that has been robbed is not present to make the statement themselves. My housekeeper very kindly spend her day waiting for the police to arrive, giving a statement, waiting for the police to arrive, assisting the forensic footprint team, and then waiting until the end of the day for the non-arriving fingerprint guy.

The officer that took the statement actually refused to take down my phone number because he was of the opinion that it was not required. Access to the premises for the fingerprint guy was arranged through her, several days later. Of course, she was back home on the other side of Cape Town by then, so it wasn’t much use.

To this day, I have not been able to have a single discussion with an investigating officer about the crime. This despite the fact that I have phoned the police station nine times and left a message for Detective Inspector November, whom my housekeeper was told was assigned to the case. I wanted to speak to him to arrange the collection of a pair of very stinky shoes that the perpetrator had left in my home. Both the footprint and fingerprint teams had refused to take them.

Eventually, I took them to the police station myself. After dutifully following the signs that directed me to the offices of the detectives, I found both office blocks open, accessible and without any signs of life. Had I been of a criminal bent, I could have removed far more computer equipment than I had lost, and helped myself to whatever case files I might have considered useful.

In fact, there were no signs of a police presence at the Table View station at all, except in the charge office itself. There I left the shoes, as well as a letter detailing the items that were lost, my contact details, and a plea for Inspector November to contact me.

Guess how that worked out.

The fact is that I have a lot of respect and appreciation for the police personnel that drive around our streets keeping us safe. I think it is a dangerous, underpaid and depressing job that they do quite well, generally speaking. When, for example, I saw a man walking down my street wearing what I am quite sure were a pair of my stolen shoes, a police van arrived within minutes to look for him.

The fact that I heard nothing more, even after potentially delivering their suspect to them directly, is an indication of the abject uselessness of the investigative wing of the force.

I suppose that the point could be made that the police are overworked, and that they cannot be expected to have time to follow up every lead on a minor domestic burglary. I say that is a load of old bollocks. I have previously mentioned the commander of the local station, Inspector Nolan, and his merry men here and here. The sad fact is that in the case of this crime, there has not even been a token effort to make contact with the victim, or to follow any leads.

That does not speak of overwork. It speaks of complete apathy. It seems that our police have the time to brutalise innocent students, stage mock arrests for charity, provide case numbers for insurance purposes, and nothing more. In the absence of any actual investigative activities, you would think that they could perhaps learn grammar or something, but have a look at this next item – a letter addressed to my housekeeper informing her of the status of the investigation:

Point 3 is my favourite.

If you review the writings of Inspector Nolan that I have reported before, it can be seen that our police force sees us as customers of a sort. We are able to get the benefit of their services if we do certain things, like a shopkeeper would expect us to arrive at his emporium within business hours. By implication, we are actually blamed for crime if we do not co-operate by becoming extremely paranoid.

While I cannot blame the police for the fact that this crime was committed, I do expect to be able to go away for a few days without worrying about my possessions in my locked house being molested or liberated. I expect blanket coverage of the country by law enforcement, and I expect arrests to be made when I report a crime. This is what I imagine when I think of my tax money going towards policing.

I know that expectation is utopian and unrealistic, but I think that any situation in which it is not met is indicative of a problem. I don’t blame the police for this problem, nor do I think that any system can ever be completely free of problems. I do expect the police, however, to act to address these problems in a reasonable way. I expect the detective to call me back. I expect the first officer on the scene to take my number. I expect a SOCO team to arrive promptly so that I don’t have to live for several days in a filthy, ransacked house. Wiping the fingerprint dust off my possessions would also be nice.

Our police seem to be trying to address these problems through marketing. That might impress you if you feel safe in your home. For the rest of us, it is a fine motivator for learning the words of O Canada!

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Armageddon… outa here!

April 18th, 2008 | by | old season

Apr
18

Welcome, Brothers and Sisters. Let us, for a moment, give praises for the fact that we are still safely here and that, in His infinite mercy, He decided not to destroy us like the filthy sinners that we are.

Let me explain.

It all started a few weeks ago when, in my mailbox, I received tidings of a terrible reckoning to come. In His wisdom, He obviously chose to warn the sinful city of Cape Town, because you have to be quite familiar with the size of the mountain to really get scared by this. Click on it, and behold His Awesome Power.

For He is Killer Jebuz, the Christzilla, the only anointed Son of Godzilla (obviously!), who, in His might, wipes entire suburbs from the face of the mountain with the backs of His hands.

He is Alive! He is coming for you in 2008, and unless you repent, he will send you to the Bellville Civic Centre.

His crown of thorns is made out of wrecked space-elevators, and His shadowy eyes burn with the darkness of our souls. I don’t mind telling you, it scares the Bejesus out of me.

Go with Christzilla. Amen.

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The State of Our Freedoms

March 7th, 2008 | by | old season

Mar
07

This afternoon, I dropped a friend off at the Cape Town airport.

After a pleasant drive, trouble free check-in, and a quick chat, I saw him to the security checkpoint, where I noticed the following sign.

This wasn’t a cardboard sign. Oh, no. It was a large, laminated plastic sign with an aluminium frame that was bolted to a steel stand. Let us take a closer look.

I apologise for the poor quality of the photography, but I had to work covertly. Who knows what these people would be capable of if they saw someone taking pictures of their sign?

Although I admit it grates me that the people in charge of airport security consider MS Paint an appropriate tool for graphic design, this image of the faceless policeman dragging the tearfully inappropriate man “Off to Jail!” in handcuffs is disturbing on a number of other levels too.

Saying inappropriate things is not a crime! It is a crime to threaten to blow up an aeroplane, or to threaten the security staff at the airport, but there is no threat implicit in making an “inappropriate remark” about, for example, the bomb warnings!

Just doing a very quick search of News24 produces the following cases of overreactions on the part of airport security:

Yesterday, in Port Elizabeth, a man that was frustrated by having to answer security questions at the British Airways counter was summarily arrested for saying that he had a bomb in his bag. As we all know, terrorists frequently admit to packing bombs in their luggage when asked at the check-in counter.

The same story ends with a reminder of the fact that the flying squad, dog unit and explosives squad were called out to the same airport last year after a man remarked that he had a nuclear bomb in is suitcase.

In November of last year, a businessman was arrested in Cape Town for telling the Comair ground staff that he had a few bombs in his luggage. The airline staff did not even bother to search his luggage – they just had him arrested and did nothing more.

In August of 2002, the Australian rugby team left a plastic bottle swaddled in paper behind the seat of an aircraft in Johannesburg. This lead to a police investigation because, “The police cannot laugh off anything as a joke, as a person never knows when it is not one.”

No. Actually, you do.

I don’t know why people make stupid jokes like this. Some of them are just asses. Some of them are slightly drunk. Some of them are nervous about flying and resort to badly thought out humour as a coping mechanism.

What I do know is that someone who announces to the baggage check staff that they have a bomb in their suitcase doesn’t have one and poses no threat whatsoever. If you are honest with yourself, you will admit that you know this too!

Someone who is planning to blow up a plane would keep their bomb secret until they were ready to use it. Even allowing for contrariness, there is no advantage in claiming that you have one beforehand. Someone planning to detonate something in the airport has every reason to put their money where their mouth is and produce their bomb immediately.

While I condemn the cowardice and criminality of terrorists – and all who would engage in senseless violence – out of hand, I cannot forgive the fact that our law enforcement has chosen the easy way of appearing to safe-guard our airline experiences at the cost of our fundamental constitutional rights to behave, on occasion, like idiots.

If you or I had to arrive at an airport and face an unreasonable search, we would be within our rights to complain and protest. However, we would be confronted by people who are primed to regard every single “inappropriate” comment as a crime. Faced with this situation, where one ill considered word could result in jail time, we cannot risk standing up for our rights. We don’t know who will be gauging the appropriateness of our comments. Neither airline check-in staff nor the MS Paint expert that made our sign are qualified to judge the legal nuances, or even the grammatical ones, of what we say. We are more than likely to be arrested and “proscuted” (No really. Read it again.) for saying something like, “You don’t understand your own stupid rules.”

This is the face of fascism. Right now, our fascists might be amateurs and confined to our airports, but our laws have created a situation in which, when we enter their domain, we are powerlessly subject to the whims of the power-hungry and the easily offended. It is no co-incidence that the inappropriate stick figure commits his crime in a cloudy thought bubble, reserved by more competent cartoonists for unspoken words. This sign, and this mentality, concerns itself with thought-crime rather than with real crime, and when these people go home at night, you can bet they will be partying like its 1984.

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Name Changes: Philip Kgosana

September 8th, 2007 | by | old season

Sep
08

A recurring theme of South African politics is the changing of names. Controversy rages around everything from the designations of our national sports teams to our cities. While many see these name changes as a destruction of South Africa’s heritage, and “white” heritage in particular, others expound the view that apartheid-era names are hurtful to the black majority of the country and that their removal is fundamental to the ongoing process of national reconciliation.

I take the unfashionable view that the name of something is largely irrelevant. I’ve been through a few name changes pertaining to places I live or visit, and the dust tends to settle after about 6 months. I do believe, however, that all South Africans have a natural right to strive for happiness. If a particular name is offensive to someone, and it commemorates something or someone that causes them pain, change it by all means. Heritage flows with the ebbs and tides of history. The true heritage that makes us who we are lives in our minds, our memories, and our stories that pass between generations.

That said, who would want to drive down a newly rechristened road, the name of which is meaningless to us? Confusion is inherent in the process of renaming landmarks, partially because many of us find it difficult to remember names that come from languages that we have not grown up speaking.

Cape Town is currently going through the process of changing the names of certain major routes through the city. I believe that one way to expedite this process, and indirectly expedite the process of nation building, is to tell the stories of the people whom the new names propose to commemorate. By familiarising ourselves with this heritage, we make it our own. It will no longer be “black history”, but rather South African history. This is the first in a series of posts that, I hope, will go some way to achieving this goal.

One proposal that is being discussed is the renaming of De Waal Drive to Philip Kgosana Drive.

In March, 1960, Philip Kgosana was a student at the University of Cape Town and the Western Cape Regional Secretary of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). At the time the apartheid government’s pass laws were in full force. Any black South African found outside their homes without their “dompas”, or pass book, would be arrested immediately.

The PAC and ANC had implemented anti-pass campaigns during the late 1950s and these had received massive popular support. During March of 1960, these campaigns were stepped up. The plan was for thousands of people to leave their homes without their pass books and march, en mass, to the nearest police station to present themselves for arrest. This would fill the law enforcement and prison system to capacity and make the country ungovernable.

On 21 March 1960, 6 000 protesters gathered in Langa in order to march to the police station. The local police made it known that they would consider this peaceful protest to be an attack on the police station and would answer it with force. Philip Kgosana convinced the crowd to disperse until later in the day. When the crowd re-assembled, the police charged them with batons. The crowd responded by throwing stones, at which the police opened fire. Five people were killed and many injured.

During the following week, violent protests rocked the townships and many pass offices were burned to the ground. Kgosana kept a low profile, except to meet with prominent white South African liberals and business people such as Patrick Duncan and Anton Rupert in an attempt to work with the white community to bring pressure to bear on the apartheid government.

On 30 March, all hell broke loose. Pretoria declared a State of Emergency, allowing police to break into homes, arresting people. Those who tried to run away were gunned down. In protest, 30 000 people from the township areas of Langa and Nyanga set out on foot to march on Cape Town. Kgosana, who was asleep in bed when the march started, quickly took control. The march headed peacefully down the N1 and onto De Waal Drive. Throughout, the marchers are described as being “peaceful, cheerful and unthreatening”. They obeyed Kgosana’s strict injunction against violence. Meanwhile, the South African Police were fortifying key points, such as Parliament, with machine gun nests.

It was on De Waal Drive that, in what must stand out as a beacon of hope in the bloodshed of 1960, Colonel Terry Terblanche of the South African Police decided to defy his orders openly and negotiate with Kgosana. Up to this point, a violent clash was looming, the like of which South Africa has never seen. With the police preparing for all-out war, these two men of peace negotiated a settlement. The marchers were to alter their route, avoiding Parliament, and head to the police headquarters at Caledon Square. There, Terblanche and the Minister of Justice agreed to arrange a meeting with Kgosana on condition that the marchers dispersed.

Once again, demonstrating his great statesmanship and the high esteem in which he was held by his people, this young student dispersed a crowd of 30 000. These people were victims of a brutal oppression and daily witnesses to acts of murder committed upon them by their own government.

Later, when he showed up for the meeting, Kgosana was arrested for his efforts.

It is sickening to consider what may have happened that day. If the police had opened fire on 30 000 protesters the violence of the pass-law protests would have, for the first time, burst free of the confines of the townships and happened in the centre of a major South African city. There can be no doubt that, with a spontaneous protest that large heading towards an unprepared Cape Town, the balance of power would have shifted away from the heavily militarised police force. Even if the protest had been quelled with violence, countless lives would have been lost, both black and white.

Kgosana managed to flee the country and seek exile in Lesotho, and later Tanzania. Apartheid stood for another 34 years, with the protests of 1960 being put down violently by the army, navy and police. The pass-laws remained in force until 1986. There are some who, perhaps reasonably, see Kgosana as someone who snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. At a recent University of the Western Cape discussion of the event, it was asked how a crowd of 30 000 people could have failed to overthrow the government(1).

Looking at this story from a different perspective, it must be seen that Kgosana placed human life above political ends. Many protesters would have been killed, but there would have been enough angry people left alive to retaliate, on a massive scale, against the white population of Cape Town. I have had personal discussions with well respected, successful white South Africans who remember Philip Kgosana as the man who saved their lives in 1960. Perhaps I speak as a white man rather than as a South African when I say this, but I have no tolerance for anybody who complains that De Waal Drive is going to be named after “some black guy”. To these people I say: Lean the history that you claim to love so well, and then tell me that the name of Philip Kgosana is not part of your heritage.

I make no pretence at serious academic writing with this piece. I have researched the facts as thoroughly as possible in about an hour. Many of my sources contradicted each other and I have tried to produce a version of the facts that seems reasonable and matches the majority of the articles that I have read. My references are given haphazardly and corrections are welcome. It is with sorrow that I notice that the history of South Africa’s struggle is so poorly documented. There is no Wikipedia entry for Philip Kgosana, and his date of birth seems buried in the mists of time, and perhaps the Internet. Let us change this.

1: http://www.uwc.ac.za/arts/english/beyond/stories4.html

Other reading:
http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/heritage/CPToverview.asp
http://www.africapetours.com/Township%20history.htm
http://www.capetown.at/heritage/history/apart_res_1960_art.htm
http://www.gandhi-manibhavan.org/activities/essay_worldcivil.htm
http://disa.nu.ac.za/journals/jourctexpand.htm

Those interested should be able to verify my version of events, or come up with their own, using these links as a starting point.

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